Thursday, May 25, 2006

More Blowing in the Wind...

Can virtual possession of WMD be worse than the reality?

When it comes to Persia, there is a potential disaster brewing and clearly not many see the signs pointing to a disastrous outcome if we persist in trying to dominate this nation that was old before the north American land mass was even discovered. As in the past, we are blind to the obvious strands, the synapses that are being strengthened as we rave on and as events increasingly loom out of any semblance of control. .

It goes without saying that we need leaders with vision—who can envision the probabilities of bad judgment and who can steer the ship of state around innumerable shoals that are waiting to trip us up on this ill gained venture. We need elder statesman who understand the role of diplomacy, nuance and subtlety but, alas, what we are left with are the dregs, the bottom feeders who have only one play, forward at full speed. Even a mental dullard like a sheep herder can outthink a one play policy. We should realize by now that diplomacy holds very low esteem in this White House and that the agenda, as mapped out, has more to do with the exercise of power than self control.

As a result, we stand on a dangerous brink. Never before has the bar been lowered to this extent where downright aggression becomes the prevailing modus operandi over discussion and compromise tossed aside like so much confetti. . . And who do we have to blame for those who infest our halls of power like sightless maggots? Is it the price we pay for devaluing the importance of politics. With our lowered expectations, we must find a way to bully through; yet not forgetting that we are navigating in quicksand..

For what is regarded as an advanced civilization, we have morphed into nation that seems to have forgotten all of the lessons learned over two hundred years.. Our desired ends check-mates all rational alternatives. . Clearly, we have learned nothing from the past, and, thusly, we are dangerously vulnerable. Unfortunately, when it comes to sizing up the opposition, we have failed to factor into the equation that we are bullying someone with the mentality of a sheep herder—a man who has little experience of a world that stands perilously close to war. Not a good harbinger of things to come.


Now, what are the arrangements any intelligent negotiator or planner might consider. First off, the plans need to consider Russia, China, North Korea and Pakistan. And if you consider those countries as possible contenders and "influentials, " you also have to consider the second tier, India, Europe and Japan who would be affected by any decisions reached by any of the first tier members. See how fast things get complicated.

Okay, what is the likely scenario?

Let’s begin by asking ourselves who does Persia hate?

That’s easy! They hate us and Israel! There is no question about that...and they don't care too much for their Sunni cousins....

If it becomes a sure-thing that Persia is going for the bomb, we know who they are going to target first. And based upon history, we know that Israel is disinclined to wait for that to happen.

Remember, when Iraq got to close to a bomb, Israel put them out of business.

It could just happen again! And if we don’t exercise rational judgment, it will!

But now times have changed. We have invaded Iraq. We have alienated all the factions and turned them against us including the moderates who were once if not on our side at least not predisposed against us. Today, it seems that moderate as well as radical have learned to hate the great pestilence from the west.

And let us not forget the fact that India, China, North Korea, Russia, and Pakistan have nuclear weapons.

If Israel attacks Persia, we are on way to chaos and entropy. All bets are off.

There are but two solutions: The UN and/or their alliance partners.

The first choice, of course, should be the UN.

But our UN representative is reflective of our little interest or involvement in this body. He is an arrogant mercenary who rips down bridges instead of repairing them, a person I wouldn’t trust selling sugar to Cubans much less have represent us in affairs of state. And that is the problem.
the UN is in the best position to influence change; if we don't support the UN, that deliberative body will lose its respect among other nations.. And if it loses its respect, the chances are that a sheep herder will not listen to it either.

The picture has gotten even more complicated over time; the remaining solution becomes discussions and negotiations with Iran’s trading partners. And that will not be easy given our previous record in interfacing with them individually.

Keep in mind that North Korea and Pakistan and China stand shoulder to shoulder against China. And China sits with its forces poised in Tibet ready to make the leap into India on any pretense. Nor are most people aware that India has a very large standing well-equipped army and navy .
And if they were to mobilize or consider launching a weapon against Pakistan for its border incursions in the north, China would become directly involved. All players have WMD.

What would happen to the world then?

Not to mention that that might furnish the excuse for North Korea to lay claim to the South--another tinder box.

In short, just these few scenarios paint a picture of great complexity presided over by a failed oil man who disdains reading and history and a sheep herder who has no grasp of the real world.
Is this a joke being played on us or a kind of bitter irony that we have all earned through equal installments of our deep and abiding disinterest in politics.

In the meantime, the earth shudders anticipating an outcome that we are not prepared for and entropy beckons…

Les Aaron
The Armchair Curmudgeon…

Preamble to: HOW TO TAKE BACK AMERICA: THE DEFINITIVE GUIDE

The following is the preamble to my book, HOW TO TAKE BACK AMERICA: THE DEFINITIVE GUIDE self-published using LULU as online publisher.

It is available for advanced sale beginning now.

A percentage of money raised from the sale of this "How to" book will be used to fund new democratic candidates and underwrite a new democratic think tank.

We are making the book available for the special introductory rate of $24.00 for the first 600 copies; after that, the price will be set by the publishing team that is guiding me in this undertaking.

These will be signed and treated as initial issues.

Please submit check or money order to Les Aaron. Add state and local taxes.Be sure to indicate name and address clearly on check.
Remit to: c/o R.T. Friedlieb
Indicate "HOW TO TAKE BACK AMERICA" on your check. 239 Lakeside Drive
Lewes DE 19958

hubmaster@aol.com...

Please indicate whether you would like to be advised about future
publications.

Thank you.

PREAMBLE:

WARNING:

Preamble:

This book will not make you more popular.
This book will not make you better looking. It will not give you Abs of steel! And it will not put you on the “A” list for parties sponsored by the rich and the beautiful. It will not give you thicker hair, make you more regular or strengthen your bones.
It will not make you more potent or help you to sleep better.

What it will do is make you think.

We guarantee that you will think about politics in a way that you never did before. This book will help you to see how politics much to the surprise of most people influences everything. From who picks your orange juice to who gets your information age job. It determines whether your kids or grand kids go to war, and how we protect our cities against natural disasters. It decides whether Uncle Charlie or Aunt Millie get the medical coverage they need—whether we drill in pristine wilderness or destroy the face of America. It determines whether our children will grow up free and clear of international debt or whether they will be saddled for a debt that they had no responsibility for. It will decide whether you get your monthly social security check and whether the management of that system will remain in government hands or the private sector. It will determine whether we remain a retailing nation or discover our innovative spirit to again lead the world with our technology. It will decide whether we will turn the other way when government tells us that air pollution and poisoned water are our legacy and good for America or whether we commit to recyclables that are non-toxic and good for the environment. It will be responsible for whether we are viewed as a pariah in the world or a partner who is committed to the betterment of mankind. It will decide whether we participate as an equal in the UN and work towards a better, more cooperative world or turn to bullying and aggression as a continuing instrument of policy. It will help you understand that the people who run for office may not have our best interests in mind. Or have the skills or aptitudes to govern justly. All things that we never deemed possible in a land where the poor could become rich and the ugly duckling become beautiful. Today, all the options are on the table and it is up to us, the people, to decide what we intend to do with them. Unfortunately, because of events, many of these decisions cannot wait…and therefore your involvement cannot wait.

In the end, you will realize that there is only one person responsible for all that happens: YOU!

And if you don’t see it, be prepared for the worst case scenario!

If we agree to nothing else, we must agree to one salient point: If we contributed to the current condition through our inaction, it is we alone who must fix it.

There is no alternative.

We Must Reverse What We Have Allowed to Happen…











How to Proceed:

Of course, reading the above, any normal person would be overwhelmed with what faces each and every one of us.
What can we do, you might say. “ I am only one person…”

In this book, you will discover that one person can change the world!


Okay, one other thing before we proceed, we need to get the apologies out of the way… First, let’s begin by informing you that you will not be warmed by some of our language and you may reel at some of the things said here. You will find some of the words and thoughts tossed about on the following pages to be: Insulting. Caustic. . Hubristic. Offensive. Insidious. Contentious. Disrespectful. Iconoclastic. Demanding. Subjective. Inappropriate. Contemptible. Accusatory. Deniable... Tenacious. Brutal. Aggressive. Concerned. Curmudgeonly. Dissecting. Outrageous. Hostile. Vengeful. Unresponsive. Unfair. Partial. Obtuse. Deniable. Provocative. Repetitive. War-like. Bellicose. Domineering. Excessive. Hateful. Chauvinistic. And Biased.

Unfortunately, that’s the price of entry.

We say all of these things and more. Why?
Because we are not eager to make you feel good about yourself. This is not public school or your parents. This is the reality of bringing about positive change. And it’s going to be painful and wrenching.


What we say here has a purpose. One of those purposes is get Americans to recognize that they are responsible for what happens; not someone else.

And to effectuate change, you first have to understand why it is needed and mandatory given the present set of circumstances.

For what purpose?

The purpose of recommitting to what our country is all about and bringing back democracy.

Not to add unnecessarily to your burden, but you must understand, too, that a sword of Damocles hangs over our head. We don’t know for sure, but we may not have a lot of time left. Many scientists are suggesting that we may already be at the “tipping points” and if we go any further, we may not be able to come back. And that would be particularly worrisome since we have not yet discovered another habitable planet in this Universe aside from our tiny blue orb.

Here’s the bitter medicine: If the Oil men running our country run it any deeper into the ground, we may find that unlike the pendulum on a clock, we may not be able to swing back.

Therefore, we have one course of action. And that is to do what the Minuteman did at Lexington; Stand tall. We must stand up for our country at a time of its dire need.

Here’s the rationale:

We cannot afford to turn the other cheek indefinitely. We are in truth not a Monarchy or a dictatorship as some might like.. We are a democracy and a country based on democratic principles and personal freedom for all people.

And it’s about time we recognized that fact and oust those who would lead and control us out of fear!
Positive Change:

That said, let’s get down to the business of positive change.

To understand the urgency of this book, it is necessary to connect the dots, tie together the missing strands, and discover the subtle linkages that are being set in place now and will shape our futures in ways that even now we seem to hardly understand..

This is not an idle pastime when you consider how much is dependent on what is happening now. For the first time, we are beginning to talk about tipping points—these are points that if reached cannot be reversed. For the first time they are being used to refer to natural events the implications of which we are not certain about. The talk now is about tipping points being reached in global warming, preservations of species, food supplies including the vital food chain and in other areas.
We have already lost 99% of all of the species that ever lived.
And there is debate about whether we will survive over the long term. Right now, it seems as if we are headed on a collision course with dwindling resources and an embattled Nature that takes no prisoners. It is up to us as to what we make of our present condition. .

Increasingly, what we are seeing is how Free Trade has precipitated a growing competition for dwindling resources.
What will we do when we are all competing for the same supplies of oil, natural resources, food? Will War be the natural by-product of unfulfilled demand?


In America, the export of jobs and increasing energy costs has shaken families to their foundations. Many simply do not know how they will be able to maintain their quality of life when
The quality jobs are being shipped off-shore and part-time, low paying service jobs are all that is available?…

Across this great land, we have seen the end of an industrial age with nothing to replace it. In reaction, our government ships not only manufacturing jobs overseas in the euphemistic process of “off-shoring” but also the information age jobs. We are told that service jobs will replace manufacturing. That is patently untrue. As evidence, we cite the fact that of all of the jobs created prior to the last election, all were taken by immigrant workers. This is not meant as an indictment of immigrant workers only to signify that the jobs created were mainly part-time and low-paying. Moreover, service sector jobs, unless directly associated with the manufacturing sector, do not have the same multiplier effect in the economy as manufacturing does where one dollar can turn into six dollars.
In the service sector, the one dollar stays one dollar!

IN many respects, what we find ourselves confronting is the “Wal-Marting” of America. We are seeing American manufacturers shut out of the bidding because they cannot compete with the Chinese and South Asian manufacturers and suppliers who are willing to work for pennies an hour. How will this quantum changes in the way we conduct business impact the lives of normal workers?

We are seeing a mad rush to exploit everywhere. While the voters voted against it, there is still rampant development in Alaska and in the pristine Northland that is expected to drive important species out of existence for the sake of a year or two’s supply of oil.

We are seeing our pristine national parks devastated by clear cutting and the building of criss-crossing roads that are a blight to all. We are seeing OSHA regulations put on the back burner, allowing manufacturers and utilities to poison the air we breath and contaminate our water.

We are seeing dangerous trends in over-fishing that promises to diminish our already dwindling supplies of food and threatens specific species that once proliferated.
As if that weren’t enough, we have dumped literally thousands of steel drums of toxic materials in the areas that give rise to the plankton that are the very basis of the food chain; and the results are being manifested in dangerously reduced supplies of fish around the world.

Through our carelessness and contempt for environment, we have seen the evidence for Global Warming build so that we all face its hazards and question why we allowed it to come to that…

For the first time, new dangers are posed to the Northern climes by rising temperatures which are attracting new threats that never existed in the North before…

In order to satisfy other nation’s needs for food and lumber, we are seeing the pristine Rain forests being exploited and burned up at increasing rates that reduce the trees needed to produce oxygen in our world. An area the size of Rhode Island with its life supporting oxygen producing trees and plants disappears every year!

We are growing specially artificial strains of hay and wheat that are dangerously susceptible to disease….

Our milk and meats contain dangerous growth hormones that may be responsible for changing the body chemistry of our population….and affecting birth rates and prenatal health.

Global Warming is raising the tides so that the Solomon Islands and other low lying areas may be below sea level in the next ten or twenty years…

Ice melts are contributing to a change in the salinity of the North Atlantic which may cut off the “accelerator” for the warming belt that keeps the planet temperate.

We are seeing an increase in the frequency and severity of local weather systems generating more severe natural phenomena like hurricanes and cyclones…

And these are only some of the natural disasters and crises that we face….

This is a belated wake up call. We must become involved to do what we can as human beings to reverse what this government has allowed to happen without consideration, without thought and without recognition that what we face is literally a direct threat to our survival as a people.

Les Aaron

The Progressive Identity Complex
Paul Waldman
May 03, 2006


Paul Waldman is a senior fellow at Media Matters for America and the author of the new book, Being Right is Not Enough: What Progressives Can Learn From Conservative Success , just released by John Wiley & Sons.

In the last week, there has been a great deal of discussion in progressive circles about big ideas. The sparks were an essay by Michael Tomasky in The American Prospect and a report by John Halpin and Ruy Teixeira on that magazine’s web site, attempting to lay out for progressives, in Tomasky’s words, “a big idea that unites their proposals and converts them from a hodgepodge of narrow and specific fixes into a vision for society.”

I read these works with a great deal of interest, since my new book, Being Right Is Not Enough: What Progressives Must Learn From Conservative Success, spends a good deal of time attempting to answer just this question. The answer that Tomasky and Halpin and Teixeira arrived at, to significant praise, is that progressives must put “the common good” at the center of their identity.

I couldn’t agree more on the substance—but there are some critical points of presentation that progressives must consider as we move forward. It isn’t enough to put a big idea before the American people; contrary to what the press corps would have people believe, the left has plenty of ideas. Progressives’ problem has been how they present themselves. In other words, their key challenge is to forge an identity the public understands and is attracted to.

The reason for all this is the need to find a counter to what I call the Four Pillars of Conservatism. If you ask ordinary citizens what conservatives stand for, chances are they’ll give you some version of the Four Pillars: small government, low taxes, strong defense and traditional values. This forms the core of conservative identity, a simple, easily understood core of beliefs that gets repeated over and over. But if you ask people what liberals stand for, chances are they’ll give you the conservative caricature of liberals: big government, high taxes, weak defense, moral relativism.

This is no accident. Unlike liberals, conservatives have understood that articulating contrasts is essential to building a political identity. It isn’t just about who you are, it’s about who your opponents are as well. Each of the Four Pillars of Conservatism implies its opposite, the bad thing liberals are supposed to favor. So when progressives articulate their fundamental beliefs, they have to present a coin with two sides: the positive things they want people to believe about them, and the negative things they want people to believe about conservatives.

This is why I offer a variant of the “common good” idea, one that is likely to perform its political function more effectively. The answer to the question, “What do progressives believe at their core?” is this: Progressives believe we’re all in it together.

One might ask, isn’t this just a quibble over language? It is most definitely about language, but it’s anything but a quibble. First and most importantly, my formulation implies its opposite: while progressives believe we’re all in it together, conservatives believe we’re all on our own and we’re all out for ourselves.

Second, these ideas can be easily presented in vernacular, so that candidates and advocates can explain them without beginning to sound like philosophy professors. Part of the power of the Four Pillars of Conservatism is that nearly all conservatives believe in them, and repeat them—in speeches, in campaign ads and in the mission statements of conservative organizations.

Unlike “the common good,” furthermore, the idea that we’re all in it together doesn’t necessarily imply personal sacrifice for others’ sake—that you have to give something up to benefit the common good. If I’m selling Americans’ altruistic instincts a little short in arguing that a more direct appeal to sacrifice has political limitations, so be it. But being all in it together speaks to finding solutions that benefit everyone—yourself included. It’s not about setting aside our interests, it’s about finding where our interests and our values converge. (To see how this core idea leads to five basic progressive principles and then to any policy issue, see the excerpt from Chapter 5 of Being Right Is Not Enough here.)

Last month, former Virginia Governor Mark Warner was doing some Q&A after a speech at Harvard, and a questioner asked him to describe why he’s a Democrat. According to the account in ABC News’ “The Note,”

Warner quickly said he was ‘not sure Democrats are ever going to get to those three or four magic phrases’ that sum up their party and their candidate. He then went on for several minutes to issue a stream of an answer that mentioned Karl Rove, Democratic support for public schools and the party's belief in opportunity for all.

The idea that someone contemplating running for the Democratic nomination can’t give a one-sentence answer to the question, “Why are you a Democrat?” is fairly remarkable. But then, Warner was also quoted in a New York Times Magazine profile as blurting out, “That’s why America hates Democrats” after a less-than-friendly encounter with a Democratic donor over the issue of abortion. Let me suggest that as he’s considering why he’s a member of the Democratic Party, Warner might give some thought to whether other members would want to choose someone who believes “America hates Democrats” to lead their party.

But I suspect Warner is not the only prominent Democrat who can’t come up with a coherent answer to the question, “Why are you a Democrat?” Too many of them have spent so much time apologizing for their beliefs and their values that they can’t give a simple explanation of what they’re for.

Which brings us to the final benefit of having “We’re all in it together” as the core statement of progressive identity: it is, in fact, what progressives actually believe. It’s what progressives have in common, no matter where they live or how much money they make, even if they disagree on abortion or guns or the war in Iraq. It’s why people with health insurance still think we need a national health care plan, why parents whose children are grown are still willing to pay taxes to fund good public schools, why people who are economically comfortable believe we need to increase the minimum wage. It’s about how you look at your family, your community and your country. It’s what makes you a progressive, and makes you different from a conservative.

Every Republican campaign has as one of its major themes that the Democratic opponent is weak—not just weak on matters of war and peace, but weak in all things. This, by the way, is the Democrats’ “problem” on national security: not that their ideas about foreign policy and defense aren’t shared by most Americans—because they are—but that Americans have been convinced that Democrats are just plain weak. No 10n-point policy plan will solve this problem, because it isn’t about policy—it’s about identity.

When Democrats start demonstrating courage, voters stop thinking of them as weaklings. Think about it this way: who comes to mind when you hear the words “strong Democrat”? Someone like Joe Lieberman, or someone like Paul Wellstone? Someone who frets about whether his vote on the next war might be used against him, or someone who does what he knows is right? To use just one tough progressive as an example, no one ever called Martin Luther King, Jr. weak, and he was a pacifist. His courage was evident in his words and actions—he didn’t need to advocate war to be considered strong.

In order for a fundamental statement of belief to do its political work, it has to be stated with conviction. When you stand up for what you believe in without fear and show how you’re different from your opponents, Americans come to see you as principled and strong. That’s what conservatives have been doing for decades, and as a result they’ve achieved success after success at the ballot box despite the fact that the public has been opposed to most of the policies they want to enact. If progressives can join their popular agenda to an identity based in courage, conviction and contrast with conservatives, there are few limits to what they can accomplish.

Tuesday, May 23, 2006

"An Inconvenient Truth"

The truth is coming soon to a theater near you: Al Gore’s New Global Warming Movie “An Inconvenient Truth”

Al Gore’s critically-acclaimed new film “An Inconvenient Truth” offers the best opportunity we’ve ever had to capture the immediate attention of all Americans and move this country forward quickly to stop global warming. While the problem is urgent, the solutions are clear, and with American ingenuity and leadership, we can avert disaster and restore the world’s confidence in our values. Let’s work together to make this movie a success, and turn the audience interest into action.

One easy way to get involved as virtual marchers is to buy a ticket and bring a friend to see this movie. Then help spread the word. The more people go see this movie on opening weekend, the more theaters will pick it up. Bring the power of the Virtual March to movie theaters across the country.

Marching forward,
Robert F. Kennedy, Jr.

* Watch the movie trailer here!
* Find the theater nearest you showing An Inconvenient Truth

OTHER WAYS YOU CAN HELP

* Email your friends and family to pre-purchase tickets for opening weekend.
* Forward this e-mail to everyone in your address book.
* Tell your coworkers, book clubs, teachers, classmates, dinner party guests, neighbors, church groups, relatives…shout it from the rooftops!
* Organize a group to go (Call the Paramount Group Sales office at 323-956-8896).
* Sponsor your office or company to see the film. Sponsor a school, sponsor a science class, sponsor a youth club.
* Take someone who you don't think would be interested in going.
* Host post-viewing "Take Action" parties.
* Blog about the movie in advance, and after you’ve seen it with your reactions.
* Have your own website? Are you on MySpace? Post Online banners, icons, and other info about the movie.
* Ask your local theater to show “An Inconvenient Truth” if they aren’t planning to already.


If you do not want futher messages from Stop Global Warming, simply go here and we will remove you from our list.

Monday, May 22, 2006

"POST TURTLE"

Subject: Post Turtle

While suturing a cut on the hand of a 75-year-old
Texas rancher, whose hand was caught in a gate while
working cattle, the doctor struck up a conversation
with the old man. Eventually, the topic got around
to former Texas Governor George W. Bush and his
elevation to the White House. The old Texan said,
"Well, ya know, Bush is a 'post turtle'." Not being
familiar with the term, the doctor asked him what a
'post turtle' was. The old rancher said, "When
you're driving down a country road and you come
across a fence post with a turtle balanced on top,
that's a 'post turtle'." The old man saw a puzzled
look on the doctor's face, so he continued to
explain, "You know, he didn't get there by himself,
he doesn't belong there, he doesn't know what to do
while he's up there, and you just want to help the
dumb shit get down."

Sunday, May 21, 2006

PROGRESSIVE MOVEMENT ALIVE AND WELL!

In a message dated 5/21/2006 7:36:41 PM Eastern Standard Time, david@davidsirota.com writes:
2006: The Year the Progressive Movement Became a MovementBy David SirotaThere are a lot of reasons to be optimistic these days if you are aprogressive. A look accross 2006's campaign landscape shows that ourmovement is no longer theoretical - it is very real, and increasingin power every single day. But as the Denver Post today notes in apiece about our growing movement (attached below), progressives alsoface stiff opposition in the form of a corrupt politicalEstablishment desperate to preserve the status quo. The confrontationbrewing between this new movement and the Establishment is not to bedownplayed - it is escalating, and it will have profound results thatgo far beyond just one election.The Denver Post notes that those defending the status quo are, to besure, entrenched. "Political corruption comes in two varieties," thePost notes. "There are brazen payoffs, and then there is a kind ofgooey rot: the venal abandonment of principles, spurred by the favorsof corporate lobbyists and the need for campaign cash." Ultimately,"All but the toughest pols and pundits get seduced, and over time,the party establishment starts to stipulate: globalization is ablessing, free trade is sacred, billionaires need tax breaks, jobloss is inevitable, workers are expendable, wages will decline, thewar in Iraq is necessary."The Post is absolutely right - there is a "gooey rot." But it isbeing challenged everywhere you look. Though both parties'Beltway-based political operatives and consultants have tried todownplay what's going on throughout the heartland, we can see thetell-tale signs of a true progressive populist movement emerging. We see grassroots organizations outside the Beltway like (to namejust a few) Moveon.org and the Progressive States Network beingbuilt. We see huge numbers of readers purchasing books like Crashingthe Gate, How Would a Patriot Act?, Lapdogs, The Motherhood Manifestoand (here comes a bit of shameless self-promotion) Hostile Takeover -readers who want to join the fight. We see millions of dailywebsurfers learning about the day-to-day political battles at siteslike Escaton, Dailykos, MyDD, Common Dreams, Working for Change, theHuffington Post and hundreds of others. We see a crop of aggressivewriters like Ari Berman, Matt Taibbi, Chris Hayes, Harold Meyerson,Molly Ivins, Matt Stoller , Chris Bowers and Thomas Frank who rejectthe mealy-mouthed style of liberal writers in the past, and aren'tafraid to infuse their work with conviction and ideology. We seemeetings like the Cleaning Up Our Statehouses conference, theYearlyKos convention and the Take Back America conference beingovercrowded with attendees. And perhaps most striking, we see majorcandidates for major office championing the cause.In two major Senate races, for instance, top-tier candidates SherrodBrown (D-OH) and Jon Tester (D-MT) are both using their campaigns toput Corporate America's destructive "free" trade policy on trial - apolicy pushed by Wall Street Democrats that has undermined Americans'wages, health care/retirement benefits and job security.Brown recently told the Cleveland Plain Dealer this week that "Peoplewho like these trade agreements typically are very insulated. They'reeconomists in ivory towers. They are journalists in wood-panelededitorial boards. It's senators and presidents who rely on majorcorporate campaign contributors and don't walk through thosefactories where workers are so anxious about job loss." Brown isrunning in arguably the most important Senate race in the mostpolitically important state in America - and, unlike otherhigh-profile Democrats in the Senate club, he's not running toembrace right-wing ideologues - he's instead running as an unabashedprogressive. As he told the Washington Post, "This is a chance tochange the direction of the state and the country [because] it canshow a progressive Democrat can win in a state like Ohio. It's goingto show that in 2008, there's a very different political dynamic inthis country."Similarly, Tester told the Billings Gazette that he's sick and tiredof "free" trade deals being justified by those who dishonestly claimthese pacts help farmers - a courageous stand in an agriculturalregion, and in a state where both U.S. Senators are ardent supportersof "free" trade. "As a farmer, you better believe [corporate-writtentrade deals] are a problem," he said. "The current market is justplain unfair. The United States has been pushing us into free tradeagreements that have been hurting Montana workers and Montanafarmers, and resulting in the outsourcing of jobs. We need to beengaging in fair trade so that everybody is playing on a level field.This is an issue I'll work hard on because it's important to Montanaand it personally hits home with me."The same thing is happening on Iraq. In Connecticut, first-timestatewide candidate Ned Lamont (D) exceeded steep expectations anddramatically vaulted onto the primary ballot to challenge Sen. JoeLieberman - the guy who has spent the last three years makingheadlines as the chief Senate advocate for the Iraq War, and chiefattacker of those who have opposed it. Lieberman and hiscorporate-funded sponsors at the Democratic Leadership Council inWashington are now in an apoplectic frenzy, frothing like rabid dogsto national reporters, complaining about their plight, fearing thatthe ordinary citizens they so despise have broken down the palacegates. They should be afraid - we have broken in, and come primaryday in August, we're headed for the throne room to depose Lieberman.Even some courageous leaders in the Establishment are taking noticeof our new movement, and are reacting favorably. House MinorityLeader Nancy Pelosi (D), for instance, "has informed colleagues thatshe intends to force Rep. Jane Harman (D) to step down" from theintelligence committee, according to the Los Angeles Times. Pelosimade the announcement after many Democrats expressed concern "thatHarman is too moderate and inclined to accommodate the Republicanagenda." And remember - Pelosi's move has not come in a vacuum. Itcomes as Harman faces a primary challenge in her Los Angeles-areadistrict from Marcy Winograd (D), who is hammering Harman for heraggressive support of the Iraq War.Not surprisingly, much of this movement building has been met withdisdain from the pundit class's most brazen Establishmentmouthpieces. Time Magazine's Joe Klein, for instance, used a recentcolumn to call senior progressive African American Members ofCongress "embarrassments," and then proceeded to hurl raciallycharged insults at them on behalf of the GOP. His column was adisgusting and not-so-subtly veiled effort to scare the public aboutwho will be in control of Congress if the progressive movementcontinues to build power.Top New York Times columnists have (albeit, without the racialcomponent) ably backed up Klein's attacks on the progressivemovement. For example, Thomas Friedman appeared on television againthis week trying to extend the Iraq War and American troops'deployment there. Thankfully, watchdog groups nailed him for hisdishonesty. Friedman also this week penned another in a long line ofpublic service announcements trumpeting the benefits of eliminatingAmerican jobs and shipping them overseas. It's Tom Friedman asCorporate America's paid public relations flack.The Times' David Brooks chimed in with Friedman. In a recent screed,Brooks was shocked - shocked! - that ordinary people are unhappyabout the economy. Brooks, a conservative Bobo in Paradise, justcannot understand why when the stock market is doing well and overallGDP growth is steady the vast majority of citizens outside hiscomfortable, country-club-Republican life on the New York-DC cocktailparty circuit are not as thrilled as he is. "Forget about wage,benefit and job cuts ordinary folks are suffering through," Brooksseems to be saying, "Let them all eat cake while I slurp down anotherglass of scotch, puff on my cigar, and marvel at my new silk ascot."And, of course, he says we must look down on those movement builderswho want real change. "The pseudopopulist renegades who rail againstthe establishment are being eclipsed by the cannyestablishmentarians," Brooks breathlessly claimed. "They're the oneswho know how to use the levers of government to get things done." Ifonly he had said "get things done exclusively for rich elitists likeme" he might have actually displayed a bit of honesty.Thankfully, our movement is sturdy. It flourishes without approval ofthe powers that be - which is why it is so frightening to theEstablishment. Ours is a movement that has seized the year 2006, andfinally declared that it is time to put core conviction aheadpartisanship, and time to ignore the insulated, arrogant know-it-allswho populate the cushy confines of Washington's think tanks, CapitolHill offices and pundit circles - the know-it-alls who either havenever worked on winning campaigns or who have consistently worked onlosing campaigns yet spout off as if they were campaign gurus; theknow-it-alls who pocket corporate cash and then tell Democrats to bowdown to the corporate forces that are waging a war on our country'smiddle class; the know-it-alls who told Democrats to embrace the IraqWar, because neither they nor their families have to personally bearthe blood-and-guts consequences of the policies they advocate; theknow-it-alls who, in short, are trying to sell out America.To be sure, this is a long battle against powerful forces. But as Inote in the conclusion of my new book Hostile Takeover, the newmovement we are building is on the side of history. "In one way oranother, every great American social movement has been about peopletaking back their government," the book concludes. "Once again,America must find its voice, and act on its justifiable outrage – anoutrage that comes with being abused by politicians and cheated bythe establishment, insulted with lies, and denied honest answers. Itis that outrage which has fueled our past battles. And it is thatoutrage that will always lead this country to a better future."*********************http://www.denverpost.com/ci_3839175{http://www.denverpost.com/ci_3839175}
<

Saturday, May 20, 2006

What is Congress Doing To America?

Bowing To The Police State
Is Congress aiding and abetting the creation of a police state?
by Ray McGovern
May 19, 2006
TomPaine.com
Email this article to a friend
Print this article
Is Congress aiding and abetting the creation of a police state? Recently, the chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, Pete Hoekstra, R-Mich., helped to give the CIA and NSA unprecedented police powers. By inserting a provision in the FY07 Intelligence Authorization Act, Hoekstra has undermined the existing statutory limits on involvement in domestic law enforcement. This comes after revelations in January of direct NSA involvement with the Baltimore police in order to "protect" the NSA Headquarters from Quaker protesters.
Add to this, the disquieting news that the White House has been barraging the CIA with totally improper questions about the political affiliation of some of its senior intelligence officers, the ever widening use of polygraph examinations, and the FBI’s admission that it acquires phone records of broadcast and print media to investigate leaks at the CIA. I, for one, am reminded of my service in the police state of the U.S.S.R., where there were no First or Fourth Amendments.
Like the proverbial frog in slowly boiling water, we have become inured to what goes on in the name of national security. Recent disclosures about increased government surveillance and illegal activities would be shocking, were it not for the prevailing outrage-fatigue brought on by a long train of abuses. But the heads of the civilian, democratically elected institutions that are supposed to be our bulwark against an encroaching police state, the ones who stand to lose their own power as well as their rights and the rights of all citizens, aren’t interested in reining in the power of the intelligence establishment. To the contrary, Rep. Hoekstra and his counterpart at the Senate, Pat Roberts, R.-Kan., are running the risk of whiplash as they pivot to look the other way.
James Bamford, one of the best observers of the inner workings of U.S. intelligence, warned recently that Congress has lost control of the intelligence community. “You can’t get any oversight or checks and balances,” he said. “Congress is protecting the White House, and the White House can do whatever it wants.”
Consider the following nuggets drawn from Sunday’s Washington Post article by R. Jeffrey Smith about the firing of senior CIA analyst Mary McCarthy. Apparently McCarthy learned that at least one “senior agency official” lied to Congress about agency policy and practice with regard to torturing detainees during interrogations.
According to Smith’s article, one internal CIA study completed in 2004 concluded that CIA interrogation policies and techniques violated international law. This is said to have come as something of a shock to agency interrogators who had been led by the Justice Department to believe that international conventions against torture did not apply to interrogations of foreigners outside of the United States. McCarthy reportedly was also chagrined to learn that the CIA’s general counsel had secured a secret Justice Department opinion in 2004 authorizing the creation of a category of “ghost detainees,” prisoners transported abroad, mostly from Iraq, for secret interrogation—without notification of the Red Cross, as required by the Geneva Convention.
No problem, said senior CIA officials. We’ll just lie to the committee leaders about the torture; they will wink and be grateful we did. The lying came during discussion of draft legislation aimed at preventing torture. As deputy inspector general, McCarthy became aware that CIA officials had misled the chairmen and ranking members of the congressional “oversight” committees on multiple occasions. Neither of the committees seemed interested in taking a serious look at the torture issue.
It will be highly interesting to see what the intrepid chairmen of the House and Senate intelligence committees do, if anything, to followup on Smith’s report that “a senior CIA official” meeting with Senate staff last June lied about the agency’s interrogation practices. Or that a “senior agency official” failed to provide a full account of CIA’s policy for treating detainees at a closed hearing of the House intelligence committee in Feb. 2005 under questioning by Rep. Jane Harman, the ranking Democrat. Will Roberts and Hoekstra hold those agency officials accountable, or will they let the matter die—like some of the detainees subjected to “enhanced” interrogation techniques to which the chairmen have so far turned a blind eye?
Hoekstra is a master at Catch-22. On the one hand Hoekstra insists that those in intelligence who have information on illegal or improper behavior report it to his intelligence committee; then he refuses to let them in the door. Russell Tice, a former NSA employee, has been trying since last December to give Hoekstra a first-hand account of illegal activities at the NSA. He has rebuffed Tice, with the lame explanation that the NSA will not clear Hoekstra or any of his committee members for the highly classified programs about which Tice wants to report. With the door locked to the intelligence committees, Tice has turned to the Senate Armed Services Committee and said that he will meet soon with committee staff in closed session to tell of “probable unlawful and unconstitutional acts” at the NSA while Gen. Michael Hayden was in charge.
Amid the recent revelations of secret CIA-run prisons abroad, torture and illegal eavesdropping, Hoekstra has chosen to express outrage—but not at the prisons, torture or eavesdropping. Rather, the House Intelligence Committee chairman is outraged that information on these abuses has found its way onto the public square. Hoekstra has turned his full attention to pursuing those who leak such information—never mind that is the activities disclosed, not the leaks, that are the real outrage.
The executive branch is “walking all over the Congress at the moment,” complained Sen. Arlen Specter, R.-Pa., last week to the Senate Judiciary Committee which he chairs. Unlike Roberts and Hoekstra, Specter seems genuinely troubled at the president’s disdain for the separation of powers and particularly his end-run around the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978, which prohibits eavesdropping on American citizens without a court warrant.
But when Specter meets a stonewall, he caves. He may ask telephone company CEOs why they surrendered records to the government, but—illegal eavesdropping or no—Specter will likely remain a spectator, as Pat Roberts greases the skids for Big Brother Gen. Michael Hayden, architect and implementer of eavesdropping on Americans in violation of FISA, to become the next director of the CIA. Hayden’s disingenuousness in his testimony before the intelligence committees has been clear, but the committee chairmen are as much to blame for winking at it.
Meanwhile, the Justice Department has told Rep. Maurice Hinchey, D.-N.Y., that it is stopping its months-long investigation into who approved the NSA’s eavesdropping-on-American-citizens initiative (now euphemistically dubbed “the terrorist surveillance program”). Justice explained to Hinchey that the NSA would not grant Justice department investigators the appropriate security clearances to investigate the NSA program. Kafka would smirk.
Rep. Hoekstra’s speaks of “vigorous oversight” of the NSA, but the evidence of that is lacking. Late last year the current head of the NSA, Army Lt. Gen. Keith Alexander, deliberately misled House intelligence committee member Rush Holt, D-N.J., on the eavesdropping program. On Dec. 6, Holt, a former State Department intelligence specialist, called on Alexander and NSA lawyers to discuss protecting Americans’ privacy. They all assured Holt that the agency singled out Americans for eavesdropping only after warrants had been obtained from the FISA court. Later that month, when disclosures in The New York Times made it clear that Alexander had lied to a member of his committee, Hoekstra merely suggested that Holt write a letter to Alexander to complain. The inescapable message to Alexander? Fear not: Hoekstra the fox is watching the hen house.
When the writers of the Constitution envisioned a separation of powers to ensure checks and balances in our government, they were relying on the leaders of those branches to fight to maintain their own power within the system. Fresh from the struggle against King George, they could not have predicted that some of our leaders would voluntarily sign away their own rights to another George who would be king.
Ray McGovern works with Tell the Word, the publishing arm of the Church of the Saviour in Washington, DC. He was a CIA analyst for 27 years and is now on the Steering Group of Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity (VIPS).
Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the Centre for Research on Globalization.To become a Member of Global ResearchThe Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG) at www.globalresearch.ca grants permission to cross-post original Global Research articles in their entirety, or any portions thereof, on community internet sites, as long as the text & title are not modified. The source must be acknowledged and an active URL hyperlink address to the original CRG article must be indicated. The author's copyright note must be displayed. For publication of Global Research articles in print or other forms including commercial internet sites, contact: crgeditor@yahoo.com www.globalresearch.ca contains copyrighted material the use of which has not always been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. We are making such material available to our readers under the provisions of "fair use" in an effort to advance a better understanding of political, economic and social issues. The material on this site is distributed without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving it for research and educational purposes. If you wish to use copyrighted material for purposes other than "fair use" you must request permission from the copyright owner.To express your opinion on this article, join the discussion at Global Research's News and Discussion ForumFor media inquiries: crgeditor@yahoo.com© Copyright Ray McGovern, TomPaine.com, 2006 The url address of this article is: www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=viewArticle&code=MCG20060519&articleId=2472 Politics Blog Top Sites

Don't Count Your Chickens...


.Growing Number of GOP Seats In DoubtVulnerability Seen In Unusual Places
By Michael D. Shear and Dan BalzWashington Post Staff WritersSaturday, May 20, 2006; A01
VIRGINIA BEACH, May 19 -- When some of the country's top political handicappers drew up their charts of vulnerable House incumbents at the beginning of this year, Rep. Thelma D. Drake (R-Va.) was not among them. Now she is.
President Bush carried her district with 58 percent of the vote in 2004, but strategists say his travails are part of the reason the freshman lawmaker now has a fight on her hands. He swooped into town briefly Friday for a closed-door fundraiser for Drake but made no public appearances.
Drake, who won with ease two years ago, is not alone. With approval ratings for Bush and congressional Republicans at a low ebb, GOP strategists see signs of weakness where they least expected it -- including a conservative, military-dominated suburb such as Virginia Beach -- and fear that their problems could grow worse unless the national mood brightens.
Some veterans of the 1994 GOP takeover of Congress see worrisome parallels between then and now, in the way once-safe districts are turning into potential problems. Incumbents' poll numbers have softened. Margins against their Democratic opponents have narrowed. Republican voters appear disenchanted. The Bush effect now amounts to a drag of five percentage points or more in many districts.
The changes don't guarantee a Democratic takeover by any means, but they are creating an increasingly asymmetrical battlefield for the fall elections: The number of vulnerable Democratic districts has remained relatively constant while the number of potentially competitive Republican districts continues to climb.
Stuart Rothenberg, editor and publisher of a political newsletter, now has 42 Republican districts, including Drake's, on his list of competitive races. Last September, he had 26 competitive GOP districts, and Drake's wasn't on the list. "That's a pretty significant increase," he said. "The national atmospherics are making long shots suddenly less long."
At the Cook Political Report, Amy Walter has revised an analysis of the battle for control of the House, taking into account the sour mood toward Republicans nationally as a potentially significant factor in races that might otherwise turn on local issues, candidate performance or the size of campaign war chests.
"In a nationalized election, the typical laws of gravity get thrown out the window," Walter said. "Under-funded candidates beat better-funded candidates, and entrenched incumbents lose to first-time challengers."
Republicans said these trends in recent polling data are an early alert, not a cause for panic. Their strategists argue that their incumbents will not be caught by surprise, as many Democrats were in 1994, when they were swept from power in the House after 40 years.
House Republican campaign officials are taking steps to protect their vulnerable candidates with money, opposition research, negative television ads and campaign messages designed to fly below the worst of the national turbulence. But they know there is only so much they can do if Bush's approval rating stays below 40 percent and voters continue to say they want a change in direction.
Drake, a first-term representative, isn't yet among the most endangered GOP incumbents. But she is one of many -- and not just inexperienced lawmakers -- who could be at risk if there is an anti-Republican wave in the fall. Among House incumbents added to some GOP watch lists in recent months are veteran Reps. Nancy L. Johnson (Conn.), Deborah Pryce (Ohio), Charles Bass (N.H.), J.D. Hayworth (Ariz.) and Richard W. Pombo (Calif.).
The National Republican Congressional Committee chairman, Thomas M. Reynolds (R-N.Y.), acknowledged Tuesday that the national mood has accelerated campaign planning by many incumbents. While vowing that Republicans will maintain their House majority in the fall, regardless of the national climate, Reynolds said, "Members [are] paying much more attention and putting together campaigns earlier."
Virginia's 2nd Congressional District, home to the U.S. Navy's Atlantic Fleet, generally is solid Republican territory. Bush won the district with 58 percent of the vote in 2004, and Drake was elected with 55 percent. But Democratic Gov. Timothy M. Kaine won the district in his victory last November, and the fact that Drake, a 56-year-old former real estate agent and state legislator, is in her first term adds to the list of GOP worries.
Around Virginia Beach, Republicans believe the race is Drake's to lose but say she nonetheless faces a long six months. "I think Thelma is going to have to campaign hard, and she will," said state Del. Leo C. Wardrup Jr., who helped recruit Drake into Congress.
Her opponent, Democrat Phil Kellam, Virginia Beach commissioner of revenue, believes the most effective line of attack is to paint Drake as a loyal vote for the president at a time when Bush's popularity has declined even in red states he carried in 2004. "She is grafted to this president," Kellam said.
Drake did not attend Friday's fundraiser luncheon with the president, but her aides said the reason had nothing to with Bush's political standing. They said she was in Washington for a vote on legislation affecting military families.
White House officials acknowledge that the president's time is too valuable to waste on safe incumbents. In some cases, the boost from a presidential fundraiser can turn a potentially competitive race into a relatively safe seat, but that was not the expectation Friday. "She's got a real competitive race," a Bush adviser said of Drake, speaking on the condition of anonymity in order to give a candid assessment.
After helping Drake pick up about $475,000, Bush flew to Kentucky to raise money for another embattled Republican, Rep. Geoff Davis, who is being challenged by former Democratic representative Ken Lucas.
Democrats do not yet consider Drake among their best targets, but they hope to make her one. The national party began running radio ads here this week, attacking Drake for backing Bush's plan to revamp Social Security. The liberal group MoveOn.org says it has spent more than $100,000 running television ads attacking her ethics.
Drake said the Democrats' strategy of trying to use Bush against her won't work. "I would much rather think like President George Bush than to think like Senator Ted Kennedy, [Democratic Party Chairman] Howard Dean or [House Minority Leader] Nancy Pelosi," she said in an interview from her Capitol Hill office.
Although Drake quickly earned a seat on the House Armed Services Committee, a coveted spot for a district with some of the world's largest military bases, Kellam hopes to turn the district's large military presence to his advantage.
In an interview, he said he does not support a rapid pullout of troops from Iraq, but he criticized Drake, saying she has failed to ask tough questions about the conduct of the war. "Can you tell me that the Congress has scrutinized the Department of Defense as much as is necessary?" he asked.
Kellam has also seized on the fate of the huge Oceana Naval Air Station, targeted for possible closure by a congressional commission. He accused Drake and other Virginia Republicans of failing to do enough to keep the station's jets in the area.
Drake responded angrily, saying that Virginia's Democrats and Republicans have worked together to protect the base. She also said she has worked hard on Iraq, visiting troops twice since taking office, and called Kellam's criticisms "absolutely false, untrue [and] deliberately misleading."
Drake's goal will be to rebut Kellam's criticisms and prove to constituents that she has delivered for them. Kellam's hope is that factors beyond Drake's control will overwhelm the customary political leanings of the district.
Balz reported from Washington. Special correspondent Chris Cillizza in Washington contributed to this report.
© 2006 The Washington Post CompanyPolitics Blog Top Sites

"One Step Closer to a Police State"

What do you think? The t r u t h o u t Town Meeting is in progress. Join the debate!
Go to Original
One Step Closer to a Police State By Joshua Holland AlterNet
Thursday 18 May 2006
Placing National Guard troops on the border could be a violation of the Posse Comitatus Act. And that's just fine with the Bush administration.
President Bush's plan to deploy 6,000 National Guard troops to the Mexican border, widely seen as a political gambit, is coming under fire from both left and right.
It's likely that the move is a violation of the Posse Comitatus Act, a law established after the Civil War that prohibits the use of U.S. troops for domestic law enforcement. Passed in 1878 to prohibit federal troops from running elections in the former confederate states, it is considered a bulwark against the development of a police state.
A central issue of Bush's plan is that the troops would be under federal authority. One of the exceptions built into the Posse Comitatus Act is that troops may be deployed to support law enforcement agencies, but with the exception of insurrections and riots, nuclear attack or interdiction of drug smuggling (when working directly with law enforcement agencies), they must be under the authority of a state governor.
The ACLU sent a letter to the administration warning that turning immigration "into another military operation is not the answer," adding that it "violates the spirit of the Posse Comitatus Act." The libertarian Cato Institute agreed, writing that "the same training that makes U.S. soldiers outstanding warriors makes them extremely dangerous as cops." Larry Korb, an assistant secretary of defense under Ronald Reagan, said that the military "is trained to vaporize, not Mirandize."
In 1997, a Marine corporal deployed in the border area shot and killed Esequiel Hernandez, an 18-year-old goat herder. The incident led to a congressional review that criticized the Justice Department's handling of the case and ended the Marines' involvement in policing the border.
But while some conservatives are joining civil liberties groups in expressing concern over the deployment, the Republican leadership is reportedly pursuing another course: rolling back the protections of Posse Comitatus once and for all.
Ray McGovern, a 27-year veteran of the CIA who maintains close connections in the national security community, reports that, according to "a credible source on the Hill," the Senate "is moving to amend [or] repeal the Posse Comitatus Act, ostensibly to allow greater options for National Guard troops on the border. The move would remove National Guardsmen "from governors' authority" and place them "under the president."
The move comes in the context of an administration that has consistently expressed disdain for Posse Comitatus, and the constraint it puts on the use of troops in domestic actions. As James Bovard reported for AlterNet in 2004:
From its support of the Total Information Awareness surveillance vacuum cleaner, to its use of Pentagon spy planes during the Washington-area sniper shootings in late 2002, to its attempt to empower military officials to seize Americans' financial and other private information without a warrant, the Bush administration gives grave cause for concern about the growing role of the armed forces in our daily life.
As far back as 2002, the president issued a national security plan calling for a "review" of Posse Comitatus. Gen. Ralph Eberhart, who headed the Northern Command said that he "welcomed" changes in the law if necessary. "My view has been that Posse Comitatus will constantly be under review as we mature this command," he told the New York Times.
In the wake of Hurricane Katrina, the calls for using troops in federal disaster relief grew. In September of last year, then-Pentagon spokesman Lawrence Di Rita called the Posse Comitatus Act "very archaic," and said that it hampered disaster response. Bush echoed that sentiment two weeks later, saying he wanted "a robust discussion about the best way for the federal government, in certain extreme circumstances, to be able to rally assets for the good of the people." A week later, Bush called for the possible use of federal troops to respond to a bird flu outbreak, saying "I think the president ought to have all options on the table."
But as William Arkin, military analyst for the Washington Post noted, there's no reason in the world to modify or repeal Posse Comitatus to respond to disasters:
Nothing in law prevents the president from employing the military in a Katrina-like emergency if state and local government really breaks down. In fact, the 130-year-old Posse Comitatus Act more symbolizes the military's subordination to civil authority than it actually restricts what the military can do.
Arkin warned that "Donald Rumsfeld and his ever-growing industry of military complexes ... seem to be intentionally badmouthing Posse Comitatus ... in order to earn themselves greater operational flexibility in the United States."
He also reported on a plan developed under Rumsfeld that predicted "a scenario in which the Defense Department would have to take 'the lead' from ... civil agencies, and the states, that is, to act without civil authority." He added: "I think we call that martial law."
And the military is not leaving domestic surveillance up to the NSA. Last month, Robert Dreyfus, writing in Rolling Stone detailed how Bush, "operating in secret" soon after Sept. 11, established the Counterintelligence Field Activity agency (CIFA), and "in a move that received little public attention," charged it "with consolidating all Pentagon intelligence."
Last year, a commission appointed by Bush urged that CIFA be empowered to collect and analyze intelligence "both inside and outside the United States." Dreyfus says that the Pentagon "is systematically gathering and analyzing intelligence on American citizens at home" and cites several examples of the new agency spying on antiwar protesters.
After it was revealed that a new intelligence unit in the California National Guard was spying on the Raging Grannies, a group that organized a Mother's Day protest against the war, an outraged California state senator, Joe Dunn, called for the Guard's intelligence unit to be dismantled, saying: "Our fear is that this was part of a federally sponsored effort to set up domestic surveillance programs in a way that would circumvent the Posse Comitatus Act."
The danger is that a president who even conservatives concede has consolidated more power in the White House than any administration since Lincoln's, and who has little faith in the rest of the government will lean more heavily on the military than he already does. Add to that this administration's well-known contempt for dissent, and there's a real potential for slipping into a full-blown police state.
-------Politics Blog Top Sites

Friday, May 19, 2006

The 9/11 Story that Got Away...

The 9/11 Story That Got Away
By Rory O'Connor and William Scott Malone, AlterNetPosted on May 18, 2006, Printed on May 19, 2006http://www.alternet.org/story/36388/
On Oct. 12, 2000, the guided missile destroyer USS Cole pulled into harbor for refueling in Aden, Yemen. Less than two hours later, suicide bombers Ibrahim al-Thawr and Abdullah al-Misawa approached the ship's port side in a small inflatable craft laden with explosives and blew a 40-by-40-foot gash in it, killing 17 sailors and injuring 39 others. The attack on the Cole, organized and carried out by Osama bin Laden's Al Qaida terrorist group, was a seminal but still murky and largely misunderstood event in America's ongoing "Long War."
Two weeks prior, military analysts associated with an experimental intelligence program known as ABLE DANGER had warned top officials of the existence of an active Al Qaida cell in Aden, Yemen. And two days before the attack, they had conveyed "actionable intelligence" of possible terrorist activity in and around the port of Aden to Gen. Pete Schoomaker, then commander in chief of the U.S. Special Operation Command (SOCOM).
The same information was also conveyed to a top intelligence officer at the U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM), headed by the newly appointed Gen. Tommy Franks. As CENTCOM commander, Franks oversaw all U.S. armed forces operations in a 25-country region that included Yemen, as well as the Fifth Fleet, to which the Cole was tasked. It remains unclear what action, if any, top officials at SOCOM and CENTCOM took in response to the ABLE DANGER warnings about planned Al Qaida activities in Aden harbor.
None of the officials involved has ever spoken about the pre-attack warnings, and a post-attack forensic analysis of the episode remains highly classified and off-limits within the bowels of the Pentagon. Subsequent investigations exonerated the Cole's commander, Kirk Lippold, but Lippold's career has been ruined nonetheless. He remains in legal and professional limbo, with a recommended promotion and new command held up for the past four years by political concerns and maneuvering.
Meanwhile, no disciplinary action was ever taken against any SOCOM or CENTCOM officials. Schoomaker was later promoted out of retirement to chief of staff, U.S. Army, and Franks went on to lead the combat operations in Afghanistan and Iraq.
Enter Judith Miller, the Pulitzer Prize-winning ex-New York Times reporter at the center of the ongoing perjury and obstruction of justice case involving former top White House official I. Lewis (Scooter) Libby. Miller spent 85 days in jail before finally disclosing that Libby was the anonymous source who confirmed to her that Valerie Plame was a CIA official, although Miller never wrote a story about Plame.
Now, in an exclusive interview, Miller reveals how the attack on the Cole spurred her reporting on Al Qaida and led her, in July 2001, to a still-anonymous top-level White House source, who shared top-secret NSA signals intelligence (SIGINT) concerning an even bigger impending Al Qaida attack, perhaps to be visited on the continental United States.
Ultimately, Miller never wrote that story either. But two months later -- on Sept. 11 -- Miller and her editor at the Times, Stephen Engelberg, both remembered and regretted the story they "didn't do."
Interview with Judith Miller:
"I was working on a special project in 2000-2001 -- trying to do a series on where Al Qaida was, who Al Qaida was, and what kind of a threat it posed to the United States. In the beginning I thought it was going to be pretty straightforward, but it turned out to be anything but. And it took me a long, long time, and a lot of trips to the Middle East, and a lot of dead ends, before I finally understood how I could tell the story to the American people. It was a long-term investigative piece, which meant that for the most part, I didn't write articles on specific individual attacks -- I was working the story …
"I was fairly persuaded that the attack on the Cole was an Al Qaida operation, based on the sources that I was talking to, because I had no independent information, obviously. The people that I was covering ardently believed that Al Qaida was behind a lot of these attacks on American forces and Americans throughout the Middle East that we were beginning to see. At the time there was still a fair amount of debate and a fair amount of resistance to that thesis within the intelligence community, as it's so-called. But from the get go, I think the instinctive reaction of the people I was covering was that this was an Al Qaida operation. So I started looking at the attack on the Cole as an example of Al Qaida terrorism.
"I learned that the Al Qaida Cole attack was not exactly a hugely efficient operation, and I learned later on that there had been an earlier attempt to take out the Cole or another American ship that had floundered badly because of poor Al Qaida training. Because of incidents like that -- you know, overloading a dinghy that was supposed to go have gone out to the ship and blow it up, so that the dinghy would sink -- people tended to discount Al Qaida. They said, 'Oh, they are just a bunch of amateurs." But I'd never thought that. I never believed that. And the people I was covering didn't think that …
"I had begun to hear rumors about intensified intercepts and tapping of telephones. But that was just vaguest kind of rumors in the street, indicators … I remember the weekend before July 4, 2001, in particular, because for some reason the people who were worried about Al Qaida believed that was the weekend that there was going to be an attack on the United States or on a major American target somewhere. It was going to be a large, well-coordinated attack. Because of the July 4 holiday, this was an ideal opportunistic target and date for Al Qaida.
My sources also told me at that time that there had been a lot of chatter overheard -- I didn't know specifically what that meant -- but a lot of talk about an impending attack at one time or another. And the intelligence community seemed to believe that at least a part of the attack was going to come on July 4. So I remember that, for a lot of my sources, this was going to be a 'lost' weekend. Everybody was going to be working; nobody was going to take time off. And that was bad news for me, because it meant I was also going to be on stand-by, and I would be working too.
"I was in New York, but I remember coming down to D.C. one day that weekend, just to be around in case something happened … Misery loves company, is how I would put it. If it were going to be a stress-filled weekend, it was better to do it together. It also meant I wouldn't have trouble tracking people down -- or as much trouble -- because as you know, some of these people can be very elusive.
"The people in the counter-terrorism (CT) office were very worried about attacks here in the United States, and that was, it struck me, another debate in the intelligence community. Because a lot of intelligence people did not believe that Al Qaida had the ability to strike within the United States. The CT people thought they were wrong. But I got the sense at that time that the counter-terrorism people in the White House were viewed as extremist on these views.
"Everyone in Washington was very spun-up in the CT world at that time. I think everybody knew that an attack was coming -- everyone who followed this. But you know you can only 'cry wolf' within a newspaper or, I imagine, within an intelligence agency, so many times before people start saying there he goes -- or there she goes -- again!
"Even that weekend, there was lot else going on. There was always a lot going on at the White House, so to a certain extent, there was that kind of 'cry wolf' problem. But I got the sense that part of the reason that I was being told of what was going on was that the people in counter-terrorism were trying to get the word to the president or the senior officials through the press, because they were not able to get listened to themselves.
"Sometimes, you wonder about why people tell you things and why people … we always wonder why people leak things, but that's a very common motivation in Washington. I remember once when I was a reporter in Egypt, and someone from the agency gave me very good material on terrorism and local Islamic groups.
"I said, 'Why are you doing this? Why are you giving this to me?' and he said, 'I just can't get my headquarters to pay attention to me, but I know that if it's from the New York Times, they're going to give it a good read and ask me questions about it.' And there's also this genuine concern about how, if only the president shared the sense of panic and concern that they did, more would be done to try and protect the country.
"This was a case wherein some serious preparations were made in terms of getting the message out and responding, because at the end of that week, there was a sigh of relief. As somebody metaphorically put it: 'They uncorked the White House champagne' that weekend because nothing had happened. We got through the weekend … nothing had happened.
"But I did manage to have a conversation with a source that weekend. The person told me that there was some concern about an intercept that had been picked up. The incident that had gotten everyone's attention was a conversation between two members of Al Qaida. And they had been talking to one another, supposedly expressing disappointment that the United States had not chosen to retaliate more seriously against what had happened to the Cole. And one Al Qaida operative was overheard saying to the other, 'Don't worry; we're planning something so big now that the U.S. will have to respond.'
"And I was obviously floored by that information. I thought it was a very good story: (1) the source was impeccable; (2) the information was specific, tying Al Qaida operatives to, at least, knowledge of the attack on the Cole; and (3) they were warning that something big was coming, to which the United States would have to respond. This struck me as a major page one-potential story.
"I remember going back to work in New York the next day and meeting with my editor Stephen Engelberg. I was rather excited, as I usually get about information of this kind, and I said, 'Steve, I think we have a great story. And the story is that two members of Al Qaida overheard on an intercept (and I assumed that it was the National Security Agency, because that's who does these things) were heard complaining about the lack of American response to the Cole, but also … contemplating what would happen the next time, when there was, as they said, the impending major attack that was being planned. They said this was such a big attack that the U.S. would have to respond.' Then I waited.
"And Stephen said, 'That's great! Who were the guys overheard?'
"I said, 'Well, I don't know. I just know that they were both Al Qaida operatives.'
"'Where were they overheard?' Steve asked.
"Well, I didn't know where the two individuals were. I didn't know what countries they were in; I didn't know whether they were having a local call or a long-distance call.
"'What was the attack they were planning?' he said. 'Was it domestic, was it international, was it another military target, was it a civilian target?'
I didn't know.
'Had they discussed it?'
"I didn't know, and it was at that point that I realized that I didn't have the whole story. As Steve put it to me, 'You have a great first and second paragraph. What's your third?"'
Anatomy of a scoop
Stephen Engelberg confirms Miller's tale in all respects. Engelberg first mentioned the incident in an article by Douglas McCollam in the October 2005 edition of Columbia Journalism Review, which noted:
"Miller was naturally excited about the scoop and wanted the Times to go with the story. Engelberg, himself a veteran intelligence reporter, wasn't so sure. There had been a lot of chatter about potential attacks; how did they know this was anything other than big talk? Who were these guys? What country were they in? How had we gotten the intercept? Miller didn't have any answers, and Engelberg didn't think they could publish without more context. Miller agreed to try and find out more, but in the end, the story never ran."
In a recent interview, Engelberg expanded on his comments. "I recall thinking it made perfect sense at the time," Engelberg told us. "The Cole attack was out of character -- unlike the Africa embassy attacks, the Millennium plot, the earlier World Trade Center bombing.
"That weekend, pre-4th of July, everybody was nervous," said Engelberg. "Judy went down to check with the White House and the NSC types at the Old Executive Office Building and CTC. And she came back in and had the story. And I knew the source.
"Judy had two guys talking, but no names or details," Engelberg recalled. "One guy says, 'The U.S. didn't retaliate for the Cole.' And the other guy says the coming attack 'will be so big they're gonna have to retaliate.' But no details … Judy had the what but not the who and the where.
"I said, 'Check with the CIA, NSA, DIA,'" Engelberg remembered. "But we couldn't get anything that week."
Interview with Judith Miller:
"I realized that this information was enormously sensitive, and that it was going to be difficult to get more information, but that my source undoubtedly knew more. So I promised to Steve that I would go back and try to get more. And I did … try.
"He knew who my source was. He knew that the source was impeccable. I had also confirmed from a second source that such a conversation had taken place -- that there was such an intercept -- though my second source did not seem to know as much about the content of the intercept as the first source did. But that was enough for me to know that there was a good story there.
"But whoever knew about the 'who' and the 'where' was not willing tell me at that time. After the fact I was told that, 'The bad guys were in Yemen on this conversation.' I didn't know that at that time. I remember knowing that the person who'd told me seemed to know who had been overheard, but he was not about to share that information with me …
"And Washington being Washington, and the CT world being the CT world, I was soon off pursuing other things. I simply couldn't nail it down with more specificity. I argued at that time that it was worth going with just what we had, even if it was vague, that the fact that the Al Qaida was planning something that was so spectacular that we have to respond was worth getting into the paper in some way, shape or form. But I think Steve decided, and I ultimately agreed, that we needed more details. And I simply couldn't pry them loose.
"At the time I also had had a book coming out. Steve, Bill Broad and I were co-authors of a book about biological terrorism. So we were working flat out on that book trying to meet our deadline. I was desperately trying to get my arms around this series that we were trying to do on Al Qaida. I was having a lot of trouble because the information was very hard to come by. There was a lot going on. I was also doing biological weapons stories and homeland security stories. And in Washington, if you don't have a sense of immediacy about something, and if you sense that there is bureaucratic resistance to a story, you tend to focus on areas of less resistance.
"Our pub date was Sept. 10th. I remember I was very worried about whether or not the publisher was actually going to get copies of the books to the warehouses in time. Because of course, Steve, Bill and I had delivered the manuscript late -- everything was very late.
"The morning of Sept. 11, I was downtown about 12 blocks from the World Trade Center. I remember walking to a school around the corner with a very clear view of the World Trade Center, because it was just a few blocks away. And all I can remember thinking was, 'Are they going to get those books to the warehouses on time?' I was also trying to make up my mind who I was going to vote for in the New York Democratic Primary. And -- everybody says this -- it was one of most beautiful days in New York I ever remember!
"When I got to the Baxter School, there were people standing out in front of the school, pointing at the World Trade Center, which was on fire, and I looked up. I asked what had happened, and they said that a plane had hit the World Trade Center. There was an awfully big gash in the building and I didn't see the plane, but there was an awful lot of smoke and I thought, 'Gosh! That was a pretty big space for a Cessna or something to have gotten into that building.'
"And here I had spent my whole summer, my whole past year thinking about an Al Qaida attack, and I yet wouldn't let myself believe that it was happening right then. I simply wouldn't believe. So I turned around without voting, without going into the building, and I started to call my CT sources in Washington, and I remember reaching the counter-terrorism office at the White House, and I was told that nobody was there, that all of the principals were out giving speeches or doing something else. And I said, 'OK, I'll try to call back in 15 minutes.'
"By that time I walked to my house a couple of blocks away, and I heard a boom, and I turned around and once again I didn't see the plane, but I saw the fire shoot out from the building from the plane.
"It was only then, after the second plane hit, that I allowed myself to believe that it really was a terrorist attack -- the attack that we had been so worried about for so long. And I think I was kind of amazed at myself, at the power of denial. When you don't want to believe something's happening, it does not, it's not happening! And I think that was what was going on in the intelligence community. The idea that Al Qaida would actually strike in the United States, not at the Cole or overseas, or in Jordan as part of a warning bombing plot, but here in the U.S., that was just kind of unthinkable! People were in the state of denial, as I was that morning.
"I remember calling back the White House that morning, and at that point, I talked to the secretary in the counter-terrorism office and she said: 'Nobody's here, Judy, and we're evacuating this building. I gotta go. Bye.' At that point, I hadn't even heard about the Pentagon attack, but I knew.
"It was very strange … it was a strange feeling to have written a series that virtually predicted this, and to have had not a single other reporter call, not a single other newspaper follow up on some of the information that we had broken in that series. At the time of the series, which was published in January 2001, we had information about chemical and biological experiments at Al Qaida camps.
We had gotten the location of the camps, we had gotten satellite overhead of the camps. I had interviewed, in Afghanistan, Al Qaida-trained people who said that they were going to get out of the 'prison' in Afghanistan and go back and continue their jihad. They had talked about suicide bombings. We had Jordanian intelligence say that attempts to blow up hotels, roads and tourist targets in Jordan over the millennium was part of the Al Qaida planned attack. And yet I guess people just didn't believe it. But I believed it. I believed it absolutely, because I've covered these militants for so long. There was nothing they wouldn't do if they could do it."
The one that got away
Like Miller, Steve Engelberg, now managing editor of the Oregonian in Portland, still thinks about that story that got away. "More than once I've wondered what would have happened if we'd run the piece?" he told the CJR. "A case can be made that it would have been alarmist, and I just couldn't justify it, but you can't help but think maybe I made the wrong call."
Engelberg told us the same thing. "On Sept. 11th, I was standing on the platform at the 125th Street station," he remembered ruefully more than four years later. "I was with a friend, and we both saw the World Trade Center burning and saw the second one hit. 'It's Al-Qaida!' I yelled. 'We had a heads-up!' So yes, I do still have regrets."
So does Judy Miller.
"I don't remember what I said to Steve on Sept. 11," she concluded in her interview with us. "I don't think we said anything at all to each other. He just knew what I was thinking, and I knew what he was thinking. We were so stunned by what was happening, and there was so much to do, and I think that was the day in which words just fail you.
"So I sometimes think back, and Steve and I have talked a few times about the fact that that story wasn't fit, and that neither one of us pursued it at that time with the kind of vigor and determination that we would have had we known what was going to happen. And I always wondered how the person who sent that [intercept] warning must have felt.
"You know, sometimes in journalism you regret the stories you do, but most of the time you regret the ones that you didn't do."
Filmmaker and journalist Rory O'Connor writes the Media Is A Plural blog. William Scott Malone is an investigative journalist and senior editor of NavySEALs.com and its newsletter, "BlackNET Intelligence."
© 2006 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/story/36388/Politics Blog Top Sites

Thursday, May 18, 2006

"Bullshit Artist"


REVIEW ARCHIVES
Bullshit Artist: The 9/11 Leadership Myth (Paperback)
by Ron SchalowBUZZFLASH REVIEWS
Subtitled "America was under attack for 102 minutes and for 102 minutes the president did nothing: How George W. Bush turned his pathetic performance on 9/11 into political gold," this book certainly caught our attention.This 312-page compilation of the Bush crew's totally inept performance on 9/11 -- including their failure to take a single action to prevent it from occurring even when warned -- was fascinating even to the eyes of jaded 'ol BuzzFlash, who monitored the news reports of 9/11 as it happened.Part of the attraction of "Bullshit Artist: The 9/11 Leadership Myth" is that its citizen-author, Ron Schalow of North Dakota, mixes fact with sardonic commentary and a playful layout. Can it be fun finding out how the Bush Administration is incompetent? Well yeah, in a sort of "all hail to the dunce" perverse sort of way.You realize that the mainstream media is so busy playing its role as royal court transcribers that their reporting lacks the most basic of common sense. Schalow litters "Bullshit Artist" with the basic logic of the common person -- and Bush and his minions come off as something like a nefarious version of the Keystone Cops. However, after reading this book, you are left yearning for the Keystone Cops, who would have done a far better job protecting our nation and reacting to 9/11.Frankly, until we read "Bullshit Artist," we had forgotten how abysmally clueless the Bushevik government is. Their theme song should be "Don't Send in the Clowns; We're Already Here."Schalow's biting, down-to-earth asides remind us that we are the sane ones -- and also bring a smile to our face. Schalow confirms -- by focusing on the statements by Busheviks about their actions during 9/11 and the factual admissions -- that these are dolts of the most extreme variety. Their plea to the man and woman on the street appears to be, "doesn't everyone have the right to be confused, disoriented, and unable to act?"Basically, when you finish reading "Bullshit Artist," you want a real common man as president -- not the faux Karl Rove creation. We nominate Ron Schalow, author of "Bullshit Artist: The 9/11 Leadership Myth." Because when you apply common sense to what happened surrounding 9/11, the "common man myth" of George W. Bush turns into fairy dust. He's just a smirking fool whose family name was used to put him in a position of power several thousand of times beyond his ability.And, as a result, every life in the United States has been put in jeopardy.BUZZFLASH REVIEWS

Have you had enuff yet? Want change?Come visit with the site known for CHANGE...See what you're missing!...We scan the top magazines, Internet sites, service bureaus, news programs to provide you with the latest and most dependable information available about government and what's happening in the world! Literally hundreds of editorials, articles and insights from some of the top writers on the Internet the media characterize this new site for online activist. Come visit, leave your comments and enjoy!...See why http://www.lesaaron.blogspot.com/ earns one of the top ratingsTHE COMMITTEE FOR POSITIVE CHANGE...JOIN MINDTT@yahoogroups.com The Think Tank of the Internet where nothing is off limits...Also....Visit the new HUBGRAM BLog , http://www.hubgram.blogspot.com/ and Subscribe to HUBGRAM, the Online Newsletter. Send a request to Hubmaster@aol.com; mention Hubgram in the subject area. Politics Blog Top Sites

from Buzzflash:


Hayden Insists NSA Surveillance Is Legal
By KATHERINE SHRADER, Associated Press Writer 7 minutes ago
WASHINGTON -
CIA nominee Gen. Michael Hayden insisted on Thursday that the Bush administration's warrantless surveillance program was legal and that it was designed to ensnare terrorists — not spy on ordinary people.
"Clearly the privacy of American citizens is a concern constantly," the four-star Air Force general told the Senate Intelligence Committee at his confirmation hearing. "We always balance privacy and security."
Hayden was peppered by as many questions about the National Security Agency, the super-secret agency that he headed from 1999-2005, as about his visions for the CIA.
Senators grilled him on the NSA's eavesdropping without warrants on conversations and e-mails believed by the government to involve terrorism suspects, and reports of the tracking of millions of phone calls made and received by ordinary Americans.
After the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001,
President Bush decided that more anti-terrorism surveillance was necessary than the NSA had been doing, said Hayden.
Hayden said he decided to go ahead with the then-covert surveillance program, which has been confirmed by Bush, believing it to be legal and necessary.
"When I had to make this personal decision in October 2001 ... the math was pretty straightforward. I could not not do this," Hayden said.
He said the surveillance program used a "probable cause" standard that made it unlikely that information about average Americans would be scrutinized.
But he declined to openly discuss reports that the NSA was engaged in even broader surveillance, including a story in USA Today that the NSA has been secretly collecting phone-call records of tens of millions of U.S. citizens.
Under questioning from Democratic Sen. Carl Levin (news, bio, voting record) of Michigan, Hayden said he would only talk about the part of the program the president had confirmed.
"Is that the whole program?" asked Levin.
"I'm not at liberty to talk about that in open session," Hayden said. A closed-door session was planned for later in the day.
Hayden was asked about reported friction between him and Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld over how the NSA and other intelligence agencies would work with the
Pentagon, which has the lion's share of intelligence dollars.
Had they disagreed, he was asked by Levin? "Yes sir," said Hayden.
Some critics have suggested that Hayden, 61, who remains an active general, is too closely aligned with the Pentagon to objectively run the civilian CIA.
Hayden acknowledged a series of intelligence failures in the run-up to the U.S. decision to invade
Iraq and promised to take steps to guard against a repeat of such errors.
"We just took too much for granted. We didn't challenge our basic assumptions," he told the Senate Intelligence Committee at his confirmation hearing.
He said that since launching the program a month after the terror attacks, targeting decisions have been made by NSA experts on al-Qaida.
Asked by Sen. Kit Bond, R-Mo., whether a NSA analyst could look at information not directly related to suspected terrorist activity, Hayden said, "I don't know how that could survive."
Committee Chairman Sen. Pat Roberts (news, bio, voting record) of Kansas complained about the CIA's performance on Iraq. While "nobody bats 1,000 in the intelligence world," Roberts cited "a terribly flawed trade craft" in the CIA's intelligence suggesting the presence of weapons of mass destruction there.
At the same time, Roberts complained that the discussion among lawmakers had not been over Hayden's long intelligence-services resume "but rather the debate is focused almost entirely" on controversy over NSA surveillance and eavesdropping programs.
Hayden, as expected, drew the most fire from Democratic members. "I now have a difficult time with your credibility," said Sen. Ron Wyden (news, bio, voting record), D-Ore.
In an opening statement, Hayden said that intelligence-gathering has become "the football in American political discourse" since the terror attacks of Sept. 11.
He said the embattled agency "must be transformed, without slowing the high tempo under which it already operates, to counter today's threats."
"Yes, there have been failures, but there have also been many great successes," Hayden said.
If confirmed, "I would reaffirm the CIA's proud culture of risk-taking," said Hayden, who was selected by President Bush to succeed Porter Goss, who was forced out after serving for 18 months.
Hayden's hearing before the Intelligence Committee was much different than a year ago, when the panel approved him unanimously to be the nation's first principal deputy director of national intelligence.
Bush chose Hayden as CIA director-nominee after consultation with Hayden's current boss, National Intelligence Director John Negroponte. Goss announced his retirement earlier this month after disputes with Hayden and Negroponte about the CIA's direction.
___

Have you had enuff yet? Want change?Come visit with the site known for CHANGE...See what you're missing!...We scan the top magazines, Internet sites, service bureaus, news programs to provide you with the latest and most dependable information available about government and what's happening in the world! Literally hundreds of editorials, articles and insights from some of the top writers on the Internet the media characterize this new site for online activist. Come visit, leave your comments and enjoy!...See why www.lesaaron.blogspot.com earns one of the top ratingsTHE COMMITTEE FOR POSITIVE CHANGE...JOIN MINDTT@yahoogroups.com The Think Tank of the Internet where nothing is off limits...Also....Visit the new HUBGRAM BLog , www.hubgram.blogspot.com and Subscribe to HUBGRAM, the Online Newsletter. Send a request to Hubmaster@aol.com; mention Hubgram in the subject area. Politics Blog Top Sites